Under Secretary of State Sarah B. Rogers released new information this past weekend on the illicit censorship of US websites and online users during the Biden presidency.
Of course, The Gateway Pundit was one of the main targets of this censorship apparatus, as many of you know.
The Gateway Pundit Twitter page was listed as one of the top targets of this domestic censorship apparatus. Twitter later cut our distribution, and to this day, we continue to be censored by the social media giant.
Rogers released new internal State Department records concerning the former Global Engagement Center (GEC) and its involvement in what Rogers characterizes as domestic censorship.
She posted this on Twitter this past weekend.
Sarah later took down the thread after she received numerous attacks. We are not going to cover the very public disagreements as a result of this thread. We respect the two individuals and do not want to engage in the disagreement.
The Gateway Pundit also saved a copy of the thread before it was deleted.
The Twitter thread has two major subjects:
- GEC’s 2022 “gendered disinformation” work, particularly Nina Jankowicz and the DHS Disinformation Governance Board
- GEC’s participation in the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP) during the 2020 election.
The Central allegation
This is big…
Rogers’ central argument is that GEC had a specifically foreign-facing mandate—countering foreign propaganda and influence operations—but nevertheless monitored and helped route domestic American political speech into systems that could result in moderation or removal by social-media companies.
She contrasts that with October 2023 congressional testimony in which a GEC Deputy Coordinator said the office “does not do any work domestically.” Rogers calls that statement false. The documents presented in the thread are intended to show that the issue went beyond incidental monitoring of domestic material.
In a congressional hearing in October 2023, the Deputy Coordinator of GEC Daniel Kimmage emphasized that the State Department, entity “does not do any work domestically.” That was a lie.
1. The “Gendered Disinformation” Project
The first portion concerns an internal GEC report dated July 2022, titled Gendered Disinformation: Tactics, Themes, and Trends by State- and Non-State Actors. Rogers argues that this project crossed into American domestic political debate. Her principal example is Nina Jankowicz, who had been appointed to lead DHS’s Disinformation Governance Board.
The GEC report treated backlash against Jankowicz as “gendered disinformation” having a substantial impact in the United States.
Rogers argues that GEC improperly combined political criticism and offensive opinion with genuine disinformation.
Rogers’ argument is essentially: GEC externally characterized criticism of Jankowicz as disinformation while some people inside the disinformation community shared the same concerns about her.
Jankowicz later resigned claiming her work at the “Ministry of Truth” was vital and essential. This was despite the fact that she was wrong about nearly everything for five years.
2. GEC and the Election Integrity Partnership
Rogers describes the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP) as a consortium involving Stanford’s Internet Observatory, the University of Washington’s Center for an Informed Public and others. She states that government stakeholders including CISA and GEC submitted tickets containing URLs to social-media content, after which EIP could communicate the material to social-media platforms.
EIP dealt with domestic election speech, whereas GEC’s mandate was foreign propaganda. Rogers notes that less than 1% of the claims EIP investigated reportedly involved foreign actors. She characterizes EIP as a “censorship-by-proxy” mechanism—an outside academic/NGO capable of performing activities the government could not lawfully perform directly.
In support, her post shows EIP director Alex Stamos describing EIP as filling gaps where the government lacked resources or “legal authorizations.” Rogers interprets that as evidence that the structure was deliberately designed to work around First Amendment limitations.
The strongest evidence Rogers presents appears on pages 10–11 of the PDF. The thread says an unidentified GEC employee was working “nearly full time” on EIP immediately before the November 2020 election and was directly integrated into EIP’s ticketing system. The employee even provided a personal Gmail address to gain access to an EIP Slack channel.
The email on page 11 says: “I’m planning to start focusing on this nearly full-time on Thursday, and will continue to do so until November 4…”
EIP: The “Sunrise Zoom Calls”
Rogers’ thread walks through the story of activists on video discussing post-election protest plans. The GEC employee collected numerous URLs from Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, Reddit and TikTok. Page 12 contains the actual URL list, including a Facebook URL associated with The Gateway Pundit.
Rogers says the GEC employee acknowledged the material had a domestic nexus that limited what GEC itself could do, but nevertheless, considered it disinformation and submitted the material into EIP’s system. EIP leader Alex Stamos sent a Slack message to platforms says EIP was preparing to describe the material publicly as disinformation and: “You might want to act soon before we release that.”
Rogers interprets this as pressure on the platforms rather than neutral academic research. The accompanying internal State Department email reportedly celebrated that platforms had been notified and that Twitter and TikTok had taken “quick action.”
Finally, she connects this individual submission to the scale of EIP’s monitoring. The “Sunrise Zoom Calls” became one of the project’s prominent misinformation narratives, involving roughly 475,581 tweets.
The documents in her post appear to provide substantial evidence that GEC personnel participated actively in EIP, submitted content, communicated about tickets, devoted significant staff time to the project, and knew that at least some material had a domestic connection.
Rogers goes a step further and makes the legal and constitutional characterization that this amounted to a deliberate government “censorship-by-proxy” operation designed to circumvent the First Amendment. That is the thesis of the thread.
Likewise, the records show a pipeline from GEC → EIP → platforms, and correspondence indicating an expectation that platforms would act. They do not necessarily establish from this PDF alone that every moderation decision was compelled by GEC rather than independently made by a platform.
Rogers is presenting internal State Department material describing actual government operational involvement: staff time, ticket submissions, Slack access, specific domestic URLs, platform notification and responses. The “nearly full time” email and the State Department employee’s acknowledgment of a domestic nexus.
THE GATEWAY PUNDIT:
Rogers’ post contains an important connection between the “Sunrise Zoom Calls” and TGP.
On page 12, the State Department material contains a list of social-media URLs assembled in connection with the incident. The URLs are grouped by platform—Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, Reddit and TikTok.
Under Facebook, one of the posts is from TGP with this URL:
The post was included in the collection of URLs being handled by a GEC employee and subsequently passed into the EIP system. The material concerns what EIP called the “Sunrise Zoom Calls” narrative.
According to Rogers, videos and news reports were circulating before the November 2020 election concerning Zoom calls with activists associated with Shutdown DC and the Sunrise Movement. The material purported to show discussions of post-election protest or resistance plans in the event of a Trump victory.
Rogers says GEC gathered numerous social-media URLs related to the videos and then submitted the material into EIP’s system as ticket EIP-556.
“EIP-556 Tweets and edited recordings of Zoom call(s) claim to show federal employees and contractors conspiring to leak info, shutdown DC, and label results as a coup after election.”
THE SEQUENCE INVOLVING THE GATEWAY PUNDIT
1. A GEC employee was monitoring the underlying
A State Dept. employee collected a substantial list of social-media URLs relating to the Zoom-call material.
2. The Gateway Pundit was one of the U.S. publishers captured in that list (page 12 of PDF)
3. The GEC employee recognized that the material had a domestic
Rogers emphasizes that the employee acknowledged limitations on what GEC itself could do because the content was domestic, yet the URLs had already been monitored and compiled gov employee.
4. The material was submitted to EIP.
Once submitted, it entered EIP’s Jira ticketing and platform-notification process. Rogers characterizes that process as a censorship pipeline.
5. EIP communicated with the platforms.
The screenshot reproduced by Rogers shows Alex Stamos addressing teams at Reddit, Twitter, YouTube and
Facebook and saying EIP was going to claim it was disinformation, followed by: “You might want to act soon before we release that.” Rogers treats that as pressure on the companies to moderate the content.
6. The GEC employee subsequently celebrated platform action.
A State Department email reproduced on page 13 says that platforms had been notified and that Twitter and TikTok had taken “quick action.” Rogers uses that email to argue that GEC personnel were not simply collecting the information for research purposes.
As many of our readers may recall, The Gateway Pundit along with several esteemed American doctors, Jill Hines, and the states of Missouri and Louisiana, won our Supreme Court battle against the US government censorship apparatus in March 2026.
After years of litigation in which the Gateway Pundit founder and publisher Jim Hoft was the lead Plaintiff, Missouri v. Biden, the case experts said was “the most important free speech case in recent history,” was settled between the government and Hoft and the other plaintiffs.
The government admitted that, “Unrelenting pressure from certain government officials likely had the intended result of suppressing millions of protected free speech postings by American citizens.”
The important concession and agreement, secured through years of expensive and time-intensive litigation by the Gateway Pundit, was this hard-won agreement, as stated in the document:
“The Government cannot take actions, formal or informal, directly or indirectly… to threaten Social-Media Companies with some form of punishment… unless they remove, delete, suppress, or reduce… content containing protected free speech.”
Another important line from the dissent decree stated:
“The Parties agree that modern technology does not alter the Government’s obligation to abide by the strictures of the First Amendment.”
For years, legacy mainstream media denied this was happening, and have refused to report on this case.
Today, we have more evidence that the censorship apparatus was flourishing during the Biden years to shut down truthful reporting.
We may never know the extent of the censorship that was taking place during the dark years of the Biden administration. We will continue to report on this as new information is released.
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